Dhofar War: Reds in the Homeland of Frankincense. Armed Forces of Oman Sultanate of Muscat: from empire to protectorate
Abstract on the topic:
Armed Forces of Oman
Plan:
- Introduction
- 1. History
- 2 Structure of the Armed Forces of Oman
- 3 Ground forces
- 4 Navy
- 5 Armament
1. History
Air defense units of the Omani army at the parade
The Omani army is believed to date back to April 1921, when the Muscat Corps, numbering 200 people under the leadership of a British officer, began to deal with problems with tribalists. In 1939, the Sultan agreed to expand the staff to 355 people, two companies, which the British demanded, but these forces did not enter into battle in World War II. The first regular formation was the “Treaty Scouts”, founded in 1950. Initially, almost all the officers were Pakistanis or Baluchis with a small addition of the British, and the infantry was staffed by Baluchis. In 1970-87, the army was led by the British, only in the early 90s all branches of the military received local commanders.Outside of Oman, the Sultanate's armed forces were deployed only once, the brigade took part in the Gulf War, without casualties.
2. Structure of the Armed Forces of Oman
- Ground forces (25 thousand people),
- Air Force (4.1 thousand people),
- Naval forces (4.2 thousand people),
- Tribal Guard (3500-4000 people)
- Sultan's Guard (6,400 people, including 1,000 - Headquarters and 2 special forces regiments, 5,000 - infantry brigade (1 armored and 2 motorized infantry battalions), 250 in the VIP squadron in the Air Force, 150 in the Sultan's Flotilla in the Navy)
3. Ground forces
Number - 25 thousand people Composition - headquarters of the 23rd and 11th infantry brigades (Perhaps there is a headquarters of an armored brigade), 14 regiments (essentially battalions, each with 3 combat companies) - 2 armored tanks, 1 reconnaissance armored tank, 1 reconnaissance infantry, 8 infantry, 1 engineer and 1 airborne, 4 artillery regiments, 1 anti-aircraft regiment (essentially divisions - 2 field, 1 medium (2 batteries), 1 air defense), 2 separate reconnaissance companies, 1 separate infantry company (Musandam Security Forces).4. IUD
Number - 4200 people Based - Muaskar Al Murtafa (Seeb; Navy headquarters), Mina Raysut (Salalah; modern naval base), Jazirat Ghanam (Ghanam island, Musandam; modern naval base), Muscat (Sultan's Guard Flotilla is based here), Qa"Adat Said Bin Sultan Albahria (Wudam; main fleet base), Al-Khasb, Alwi. Ship repair facilities - ship repair yard in Muscat (Jane's - in Wudam).5. Armament
- Tanks
- BRM and armored personnel carrier
- Towed artillery
- Mortars
- 48-68 PU ATGM (18 "Tau" and 30-50 "Milan")
- 26 anti-aircraft installations
- 54 MANPADS (including Mistral-2 and 34 Strela-2)
- Airplanes
Combat aircraft
12 F-16C/D 19-26 "Jaguar" 12 "Hawk" Mk203 (including 1 in storage)
Training and combat training aircraft
4 "Hawk" Mk103 12 PC-9 (delivered since 2000) 12 BAC-167 "Strikemaster" Mk82 (possibly removed from service) 4 AS-202-18A-4 "Bravo" (in the Sultan Guard Squadron) 3-4 MFI- 17B Supporter (Pakistani Mushshak)
Transport aircraft
15 Short "Skyvan" Srs ZM (including 7 with radar, used for patrolling over the sea) 3 C-130H "Hercules" 7 BN-2T "Defender"/"Islander" 3 BAe-111-485GD 16 Skyvan 3M 7 Skyvan 3M 4 DHC-5D "Buffalo" 1 "Mr. Falcon-10" 1 "Mr. Falcon-20" 2 "Mr. Falcon-900"
- Helicopters
- http://www.waronline.org/mideast/oman.htm on 06/22/2002
- ARMED FORCES of Oman for 2007
- Army Guide - Data by Country
This abstract is based on an article from Russian Wikipedia. Synchronization completed 07/11/11 08:50:00
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The Sultanate of Oman, occupying the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula, is one of the oldest states in the Arab world. In the XVII - first half of the XIX centuries. The Sultanate of Muscat and Oman played a key role in the western Indian Ocean. In essence, it was a powerful trading empire that controlled the East African and South Arabian coasts, as well as the Persian Gulf.
Sultanate of Muscat: from empire to protectorate
The list of possessions of the Sultan of Muscat included not only the territory of the modern Sultanate of Oman, but also the “Pirate Coast” (now the United Arab Emirates), Bahrain, Hormuz, the East African coast from Somalia to Northern Mozambique (including such important points as Zanzibar, Lamu, Kilwa , Malindi, Mombasa, Pate, etc.), Comoros and Seychelles, the northern part of the island of Madagascar, several large outposts on the territory of modern Iran (Bandar Abbas) and Pakistan (Gwadar).
The economic power of Muscat and Oman was based, firstly, on the extraction and export of pearls and incense, and secondly, on maritime trade. Omani merchants played a vital role in the trade of ivory, gold, silver, spices and incense, and textiles in the eastern Indian Ocean. In the 18th century, the Omani navy was one of the strongest in the Indian Ocean, second only to the British fleet. It is enough to mention that the sultanate managed not only to free itself from the rule of the Portuguese, which lasted from 1515 to 1650, but also to completely expel the Portuguese from the area Persian Gulf and eastern Indian Ocean. One of the key sources of income for the Sultanate until the end of the 19th century. the slave trade remained. It was its ban and harsh measures by European powers against slave traders that became one of the reasons for the economic decline of the Omani maritime empire in the second half of the 19th century.
In 1783, the state was divided for the first time into two parts - the Sultanate of Muscat and the Imamate of Oman. The Sultanate of Muscat formally controlled the entire country, but in fact it was a purely “maritime” empire, holding ports and oceanic trade, as well as overseas trading posts. The Imamate of Oman controlled the interior of the country, inhabited by Arab Bedouin tribes. At the head of the imamate were the imams of the Ibadis - the oldest Islamic movement, remaining faithful to the original canons of Islam. Muscat had a tremendous influence on the formation of the cultural image of the East African coast - it was the presence of Omani Arabs in the region that led to the formation of the Arabized Negroid superethnic group “Zinj” (“blacks”), speaking Swahili, the most common language of East Africa.
After the capital of the sultanate was moved to the East African island of Zanzibar in 1837, historical Oman began to rapidly lose its political and economic position. In 1856, after the death of Sultan Said, the state was divided between his sons. Majid ibn Said reigned on the East African coast, which became part of the Sultanate of Zanzibar. The Asian part of the divided state formed the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman, led by Suwaini ibn Said. The division of the Omani maritime empire marked the threshold of the end of this state. Soon both sultanates formed on its fragments became protectorates of the British Empire.
In fact, the British began to show interest in South Arabia much earlier. Thus, in 1820, the British East India Company influenced the emirs and sheikhs of the Pirate Coast, vassals of the Sultan of Muscat. They signed the General Treaty, effectively becoming British protectorates. In 1853, the territory of the Pirate Coast was named Trucial Oman and was governed by local emirs and sheikhs under the control of the British administration.
Until the mid-twentieth century, the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman remained one of the most closed countries in the world. Even compared to other countries of the Arab East, life in Oman seemed to have stopped. Omani society was distinguished by a high degree of conservatism, the power of the Sultan was absolute and indisputable, but in strategic matters the Sultan followed entirely in the wake of British foreign policy. It should be noted here that since the Middle Ages in Oman there has been a confrontation between two political centers - the Sultan of Muscat and the Imam of Oman. The Sultan was the head of state, but the imam also enjoyed high authority among the population of the internal regions of the country.
Long-standing contradictions between the Sultan and the Imam became actualized in the 20th century. In 1920, the imam refused to pay taxes to Muscat and printed his own passports in Najd (later Najd became the basis of Saudi Arabia), that is, he declared the Imamate of Oman as an independent state. In 1945, the Imamate of Oman was admitted to the Arab League. Meanwhile, in the early 1950s. Sultan Said of Muscat began to show special interest in the interior of the country, associated with the discovery of oil in Oman. The Sultan of Muscat was backed by the British, while the Omani imam enjoyed some support from the ruling circles of Saudi Arabia. In 1954, the Sultanate of Muscat began aggression against the Imamate of Oman, as a result of which the imam was forced to flee to Saudi Arabia.
Ghalib bin Ali al-Hinawi, who became imam in 1954, called for the overthrow of the British protectorate over Oman and Muscat. In addition, the imam insisted on the actual independence of the imamate located in the internal regions of the country from the central sultan’s authority. In 1957, troops controlled by Ghalib bin Ali fought against the Sultan of Muscat. To suppress the uprising, the Sultan had to sell the city of Gwadar on the coast of Balochistan to Pakistan. Thus, the Sultanate lost its last overseas possession. But the decisive role in suppressing the struggle for the political independence of the Omani Imamate was played by British troops under the command of General Robertson. It was the British units that managed to suppress the resistance of the Ibadi tribal militia and storm the capital of the Imamate, the city of Nizwa. After the suppression of the uprising, Imam Ghalib bin Ali left the country forever.
It should be noted here that the first half of the 1960s. marked the beginning of large-scale changes in the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula. In particular, in 1962 the power of the imam in Yemen was overthrown. In the territory of the British protectorates of South Arabia, meanwhile, a revolutionary national liberation movement was being formed, which aimed not only at liberation from British control, but also at large-scale political reforms of South Arabian societies. For Oman, these years marked the beginning of the long Dhofar War.
Dhofar
Dhofar is one of the historical parts of Oman. The westernmost province of Oman, bordering on the territory of Yemen (during the period of the events described, on the Federation of South Arabia), is distinguished not only by its natural conditions, but also by the ethnic composition of the population. Unlike the rest of Oman, in addition to the Arabs, Dhofar also has a significant non-Arab component - the so-called “kara”. This name generalizes the local tribal groups who speak South Arabian languages, primarily Shehri. They also differ from other residents of Oman in their racial type - darker skin, clearly showing Ethiopian and even Negroid features in their appearance. The Kara have maintained their own unique culture, distinct from the rest of Oman. Dhofar is known throughout the world as the birthplace of incense. This is where this world-famous incense, used in church services, comes from. In ancient times and the Middle Ages, transport ships loaded with incense, the main local product, departed from the seaports of Dhofar. Dhofar had trade relations not only with the coast of East Africa - with Eritrea, Somalia, Zanzibar, but also with Iran and Iraq, and India. For a long time, the Dhofar lands were under the control of Yemeni rulers, but eventually came under the control of the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman.
The South Arabian-speaking Dhofars considered themselves an oppressed part of the population in the sultanate, which was largely a well-founded opinion. Moreover, considering that Dhofar was subjected to economic exploitation by the sultans, however, the monarchs did not at all care about the standard of living of the population of the region. The Sultan of Muscat safely appropriated all the income from the exploitation of natural resources for himself, leaving no funds for maintaining social infrastructure in the province. When intensive development of oil fields began in Dhofar, the local population decided to declare their rights by armed means.
It is noteworthy that, despite the general social and economic backwardness of Dhofar, it was here that the residence of the Sultan of Muscat Said bin Taimur was located. Unlike other territories of the Sultanate, Dhofar was considered the personal domain of the Sultan. The city of Salalah, which had the most suitable climatic conditions, was chosen for the residence of the monarch. However, the remaining areas of Dhofar remained inaccessible and extremely backward; their population lived primarily on a subsistence basis, engaging in primitive agriculture, cattle breeding and fishing. There was widespread illiteracy, modern medical care and school education were almost completely absent.
Sheikh Mussalim ibn Nafl, one of the tribal leaders of Dhofar, was dissatisfied with the policies of the Sultan and was inspired by the anti-British calls of the Imam of Oman Ghalib bin Ali Al-Hin, which prompted him to found the Dhofar Liberation Front. Since at the time of the events described there was a border conflict between Muscat and Saudi Arabia, the latter did not fail to prick the Sultan and allocated a certain amount of road transport to the Dhofar Liberation Front. Since the FDF positioned itself as, first of all, an anti-colonial organization, the first attacks fell on British targets in Dhofar.
In December 1962, militants staged sabotage at an air base in the capital of Dhofar, Salalah, and also attacked several oil cargoes. After the attack on the base and oil cargo, the Saudi intelligence services recalled Ibn Nafl's group and transported it to Iraq, where the Dhofar guerrillas had to improve their knowledge in warfare. After the return and renewal of the ODF detachments, shelling of oil rigs under construction began in 1964. In parallel with the forays, the front increased the level of training of its fighters, and among the instructors who taught the partisans the basics of combat operations were former soldiers of the Sultan's army of Muscat and the scouts of Trucial Oman.
Beginning of the war
Sultan of Muscat Said bin Taimur was a typical representative of the so-called. "colonial elites". He was educated at Mayo College in India, which was known as the “college of princes,” and after being confirmed on the Sultan’s throne, he placed British officers and officials in almost all the key posts in the country. The only minister of Omani origin was Ahmed bin Ibrahim, who served as Minister of Internal Affairs and was in fact the head of the Omani government, governing the country on behalf of the Sultan. Said bin Taimur initially underestimated the danger of an uprising in Dhofar and created an irregular Dhofar force of 60 fighters to fight the rebels. However, the reliability of the latter was highly questionable. In April 1966, it was the fighters of the Dhofar forces who attempted to assassinate the Sultan. Said bin Taimur was not injured, but chose to hide in the territory of his residence in Salalah, no longer appearing in public. At the same time, the Sultan's troops began military operations against the rebels. It is worth noting that the Sultan’s soldiers behaved very cruelly towards the Dhofar population. Villages were burned, wells were concreted - in general, not only and not so much the fight against the rebels was carried out, but the genocide of the civilian population.
Meanwhile, large-scale events were taking place in the neighboring Federation of South Arabia. Since 1963, the National Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Arabian South had been active there, waging a guerrilla struggle against the British colonialists. The rebels gained a foothold in the Radfan Mountains, creating their bases and shelters there. Fighters for the independence of the Arabian South were inspired by the example of neighboring Yemen, where in 1962 the Imamate was overthrown and the construction of a secular Arab state began, oriented towards cooperation with Nasserist Egypt. Some people from South Yemen took a direct part in the overthrow of the Imamate, after which they returned to their homeland with weapons in their hands, starting resistance against the British presence. In January 1967, riots broke out in the port of Aden. Ultimately, Britain began to withdraw troops from Aden. On November 29, 1967, British troops finally left the territory of Aden, and on November 30, 1967, the independence of the People's Republic of South Yemen (PRY) was proclaimed. Its first president was Qahtan al-Shaabi. In South Yemen, the lands of the sultans of the Federation of South Arabia were nationalized.
The withdrawal of British troops from Aden and the republican revolution in neighboring South Yemen made a lasting impression on representatives of the Omani opposition. The left wing, represented by supporters of Arab socialism, also strengthened in its ranks. Many prominent Omani opposition figures settled in South Yemen, where training bases for the Dhofar Liberation Front were established a few kilometers from the border with the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman. In September 1968, the second congress of the Dhofar Liberation Front was held, as a result of which political radicals speaking from leftist positions took leadership of the organization. The Dhofar Liberation Front was renamed the Popular Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Gulf (later the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman and the Persian Gulf).
Sheikh ibn Nafl, who advocated the autonomy of Dhofar, was pushed out of the leadership of the organization. He was replaced by younger and more aggressive leaders, for whom autonomy and socio-economic modernization of Dhofar were no longer enough. They advocated the overthrow of the Sultan's power, modeled on neighboring Yemen, and the creation of a people's democratic republic. The People's Republic of South Yemen became the main strategic ally of the front, providing training for its fighters and logistics. Among the world's heavyweights, the Dhofar rebels have attracted the attention of China. Seeking to expand its control over the world revolutionary movement, Maoist China established diplomatic relations with South Yemen and ties with the People's Liberation Front of Oman and the Persian Gulf. The support of the PRY and the PRC greatly eased the situation for the Dhofar rebels.
In 1969, front militants captured the only highway leading to the north of the country. In August 1969, the city of Rakhuit was captured. Rebels have captured most of Jebel in Dhofar. A policy of radical transformation of the social foundations of Dhofar was launched. In particular, the rebels shot several Dhofar sheikhs and threw others off a cliff. By this time, the front had finally defined itself ideologically, declaring its Marxist-Leninist orientation. Future and current partisans were trained in neighboring South Yemen, the PRC and the Soviet Union. In the Soviet Union, groups of rebels from Dhofar were trained in Crimea - there, in the village of Perevalnoye, the 165th Training Center for the training of foreign military personnel of the General Staff of the USSR Ministry of Defense was located.
The rebel front consisted of rifle units armed with AK-47s, heavy machine guns, and mortars. At the same time, a significant part of the rebels were armed with outdated weapons. However, the last factor did not prevent the front from gaining the upper hand in the struggle for control of Dhofar. This was explained by the fact that in the province the number of troops subordinate to the Sultan of Muscat and Oman was very small - no more than 1,000 people, serving in scattered units under the command of junior officers, poorly armed and practically untrained.
Sultan Qaboos and the defeat of the rebels
The turning point not only for the Dhofar War, but also for the entire modern history of Oman, was 1970. It was significant for both sides of the conflict. In Northern Oman, like-minded Dhofar rebels created the National Democratic Front for the Liberation of Oman and the Persian Gulf in 1970. After the militants of the front carried out several attacks on government officials, the Sultan’s entourage and the British officers behind him came to the conclusion that in order to prevent the development of events in the Sultanate according to the Yemeni scenario, it was simply necessary to replace the weak ruler of the country, Said bin Taimur.
The conspiracy against the Sultan was led by his own son Qaboos bin Said. Unlike his father, thirty-year-old Qaboos (he was born on November 18, 1940) was a more adequate and intelligent politician. Perhaps some milestones in his biography contributed to this. Thus, Qaboos graduated from the famous Royal Military Academy of the British Army at Sandhurst, after which he served for two years in a British infantry battalion and studied at the chiefs of staff course in Germany. In 1964, Qaboos returned to Oman, but a year later he was placed under house arrest - the Sultan feared his own son as a very serious contender for the throne and a critic of his weak policies.
On July 23, 1970, a military coup took place in Salalah, the Sultan's headquarters. A unit of the Sultan's army was ordered to surround the palace at Salalah, to which they submitted. Sheikh Barak bin Hamoud, British officer Timothy Landen, who held the position of senior intelligence officer of the Sultan's army in the province of Dhofar, and several soldiers of the British SAS special forces entered the Sultan's residence. Sultan Said tried to resist. He wounded one of the leaders of the conspiracy, Sheikh Barak bin Hamoud, with a pistol, and also, while reloading the pistol, accidentally shot himself. The wounded Said bin Taimur was forced to sign an act of abdication, after which he was treated and sent to London. The Sultan lived in the British capital until the end of his days. The new ruler of the country is Sultan Qaboos bin Said, who has ruled Oman for 44 years. Qaboos's first major action was to rename the country the Sultanate of Oman.
Unlike the retrograde Said, Qaboos perfectly understood the need for socio-economic and cultural modernization of Oman. He allowed radio broadcasting in the country and began developing healthcare and education systems, and social infrastructure. But Qaboos's main task in the first years of his reign was the fight against the Dhofar rebels. To this end, the new Sultan began a large-scale modernization of the Omani army. The Sultan decided to find the financial basis for the upcoming transformations - both in the social and military spheres - from funds from the exploitation and export of the country's natural resources. Oil production has significantly improved the situation of the country, including its ordinary citizens. Qaboos allocated serious money for the modernization of Dhofar, which by the 1970s was a the most backward province in the country.
The reorganization of the Omani armed forces began with the help of British specialists. Instructors from the British Marines and the 22nd SAS Regiment began training the Sultan's army. Officers and sergeants of the British as well as the Pakistani army were attached to all units of the Sultan's army. In addition, British specialists were involved in providing radar and artillery reconnaissance to the Omani army. The British created almost all types of armed forces of the Sultanate of Oman, as well as intelligence and counterintelligence services. Moreover, many of the Sultanate's security forces were headed by former and current officers of the British army and intelligence services. It was British assistance that largely contributed to the fact that the Sultan was able to gain an advantage over the rebels and ultimately overcome their resistance. First of all, it should be noted that the operation in Dhofar was a copy of a similar operation previously carried out by the British and Malays in Malaya - against guerrillas from the Communist Party of Malaya. In particular, the development of medical institutions and schools began in Dhofar; the local population agitated against the rebels, emphasizing the atheism of Marxist ideology and its “vicissitudes” for Muslims. It was emphasized that the communists deny God and will ultimately take away from the peasants not only their property, but also their wives for socialization. At the same time, British doctors from the Marine Corps organized medical care for the population of Dhofar, thereby winning more and more sympathy from people who had never before encountered such good treatment from the authorities.
To fight the rebels, irregular units were brought in, created with the help of SAS instructors and called SEP (Surrendered Enemy Personnel). These units were recruited from local residents loyal to the Sultan's government, as well as defectors from rebel units. The latter numbered more than 800 people. All rebels who went over to the side of the Sultan were given an amnesty, which also contributed to desertion from the ranks of the Dhofar front. The use of deserters and defectors, first of all, made it possible to obtain information about the state of affairs in the rebel camp, the location of the main positions and training camps of the front, the personalities of the leaders of the organization and its leading activists.
Sheikh Barak bin Hamoud was appointed Wali Dhofar (governor), and British Brigadier General Jack Fletcher was appointed military governor (he was replaced by Brigadier General John Akehurst in 1972). British troops also took a direct part in the fight against partisans. Thus, the most important operation was the ousting of the rebels from the eastern mountainous region of Dhofar province. This operation involved the SAS "G" squadron, a battalion of the Sultan's troops and 5 SEP detachments. Overall command was exercised by Lieutenant Colonel Johnny Watts of the Royal Irish Rangers. Reserve functions were performed by SAS B Squadron under the command of Richard Peary. With the help of British special forces, the Sultan's troops managed to capture Eastern Dhofar, equipping fortified forts with garrisons in the size of a platoon or company of soldiers in strategically important places in the mountain range. Another famous operation involving the British was the defense of the city of Mirbat, which was attacked by a rebel force of 250 on July 19, 1972. However, the Sultan's troops and British special forces managed to defend Mirbat and inflict a serious defeat on the rebel troops.
In January 1974, the Dhofar rebels renamed themselves the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman. However, by this time they no longer had the positions they had before - at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s. In fact, rebel groups operated only in Western Dhofar - on the border with South Yemen, fueled by support from there. Soviet and Chinese assistance to the fighters for the independence of Dhofar gradually began to decline. At the same time, Sultan Qaboos managed to enlist the support of the Shah of Iran. Shah Reza Pahlavi sent an Iranian brigade of 1,200 troops, with helicopters, to Oman. Later, the size of the Iranian contingent was increased to 3,000 troops. With the help of the Iranians, the Sultan's army managed to liberate the western regions of Dhofar and push back the main parts of the rebels to the territory of the PDRY. In 1975, the Dhofar rebels effectively ceased hostilities, and in January 1976, the effective end of the military campaign in Dhofar was officially announced. Only individual front units continued resistance until 1979. The organization currently exists in the British exile and plays no role in Omani politics.
The suppression of the pro-Soviet partisans of Dhofar was one of the most serious setbacks in the struggle for political influence in the Middle East. After the establishment of the revolutionary regime in South Yemen, it seemed that all the centuries-old traditional monarchies - the sultanates, emirates and kingdoms of the Arabian Peninsula - were about to fall. However, it was in Dhofar that the revolutionary movement seriously stumbled. The next setbacks were the reunification of South Yemen with North Yemen, the collapse of left-wing nationalist regimes in Iraq and Libya and, finally, the civil war in Syria, also started with the aim of radically transforming the last state of the Arab East controlled by Arab socialists.
As for Oman, the sultanate currently cooperates more with the United States of America. Great Britain, having withdrawn itself from solving political and military problems in the Persian Gulf region, lost its former influence on the Sultan's court of Oman after the Shah's regime was overthrown in Iran in 1979. Sultan Qaboos realized that in the changed socio-political situation, Great Britain could no longer guarantee the inviolability of the political system in the Sultanate, after which he turned to closer cooperation with the United States of America.
The leadership of the Omani armed forces receives a distinguished guest - the British Prince Andrew.
Photo by Reuters
It is known that from ancient times incense was treated as a sign of divine presence. And today, like thousands of years ago, frankincense and myrrh are mined in the Sultanate of Oman, which in ancient times served as the country's most important export goods. This is probably why, even today, when oil reserves have become the source of the sultanate’s wealth, Oman is still called the “land of incense.”
The Prophet Muhammad once said that he values prayers and pleasant smells most of all. It is believed that the tribes that roamed this territory helped the Prophet Muhammad defeat the Persians. It is not surprising that the military history of Oman dates back to the 7th century. The modern Army of the Sultanate of Oman (ASO) dates back to April 1921, when 200 palace guards under the command of a British officer were able to repulse the attacks of rebellious tribes and re-subordinate them to the Sultan.
However, the lesson taught to the tribal leaders was not useful and they tried several times to overthrow the power of the monarch. Then, in 1939, the Sultan, on the advice of the British, created a regular military unit of about 500 people, called the “Muscat Corps”. As a matter of fact, it was from the “Muscat corps” that the ADF grew.
Here it is necessary to make a historical digression and explain that only the current, 15th Sultan of Oman, Qaboos Ben Said, who came to power in August 1970, united the Sultanate of Muscat and the Omani imamates, which existed almost independently of each other, into a single state. Today, Muscat is the capital of the Sultanate of Oman, consisting of Oman proper and Musandam, the northern part of the peninsula of the same name, which has no border with its metropolis. Musandam, surrounded by the United Arab Emirates (UAE), is considered an exclave. By the way, we note that both American Alaska and the Russian Kaliningrad region are exclaves.
NO BORDER, NO “LOCK”
And today Oman does not have undeniably verified demarcation boundaries with neighboring countries. It is not surprising that from time to time this sultanate has tense relations with border states - the UAE, Saudi Arabia (SA) and Yemen. In October 1987, a military conflict even broke out between Yemen and Oman. The Yemenis claim the Kuria Muriya Islands, located off the coast of Oman. In addition, only relatively recently, the ADF defeated the troops of the Dhofar Liberation Front (DFL), a left-wing radical organization that sought to tear the governorate of Dhofar away from the sultanate and proclaim this province an independent state. The FOD enjoyed the support of the USSR.
The political structures of this organization are still active in London. It is clear that the ruler of Oman “keeps his powder dry” and gives top priority to his armed forces.
Historically, Great Britain played a huge role in organizing the ADF. Sultan Qaboos Ben Said graduated from the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and Oxford University. He served as an officer in a British Army unit in Germany. Having come to power, the Sultan transformed the ASO according to the English model. It is not surprising that the ADF has many British mercenaries. There are especially many British in the Omani Air Force, created in 1959.
In the 19th century, Oman's power extended from the coast of East Africa in the west to Balochistan (now a province in Pakistan) in the southeast. Therefore, in the armies of Omani rulers there are traditionally many representatives of the Baloch people. Nowadays there is no conscription in the Sultanate. Baluchis and Persians serve as contract soldiers in the ADF, along with Arabs and Europeans.
The majority of Oman's population are Arabs who profess Ibadism, a Sunni Islamic movement that is nevertheless close to Shiism. Unsettled borders with its Arab neighbors and a certain isolation from the Sunni Arab majority are pushing Oman towards rapprochement with Shiite Iran. Since 1981, Oman has become a full member of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC). However, the signing in 1998 of a separate agreement on military “interaction” between Muscat and Tehran aroused the wariness of the Sunni Arab states. This step caused particular irritation in Riyadh. Indeed, the GCC developed a joint defense strategy in which Iran was by no means viewed as an ally.
WHERE DO THE EXPANSIONIST WINDS BLOW?
The military doctrine of the GCC is defensive in nature. But the members of this organization intend to defend themselves not from the relatively distant “Zionist” Israel, but from the expansionist regime of the Tehran ayatollahs. Undoubtedly, the Sultan of Oman is trying to sit not even on two, but on several chairs at once. It is significant that in the early 90s of the last century, Muscat began to improve relations with Jerusalem. A few months before his death, then Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin visited Oman. However, already in 1997, on the recommendation of the Arab League, Muscat “froze” relations with Jerusalem, formally protesting against “the resumption of the construction of Jewish settlements in Palestinian territory.”
London remains an important partner of Oman in the military-technical sphere today. But after Sultan Qaboos’s first visit to Washington in 1975, American-Omani relations began to actively develop. The strategic nature of this cooperation is evidenced by the fact that the Americans received the right to use the naval and air bases of the Sultanate. The ADF has just over 40,000 troops. To these should be added the Sultan's Guard and the Tribal Guard, which respectively consist of 6,400 and 4,000 soldiers and officers. There are 7,000 people serving in the police and border troops. For a country with fewer than 4 million inhabitants and a territory exactly ten times the size of Israel and more than twice the size of the Kingdom of Jordan, the ADF only seems quantitatively insufficient.
But only at first glance. Because the point, of course, is not the number of military personnel. ASO is distinguished by its high combat effectiveness. The Sultanate's annual military budget averages $3 billion. It should be noted that the training of personnel is carried out by British and American instructors.
The Sultan of Oman, who is the head of state and at the same time the supreme commander, heads the Defense Council, which also includes the minister of the palace chancellery, the commander of the guard, the chief of police and the head of the intelligence services.
In addition to the UK and the USA, Muscat's partners in the military-technical fields have long been France, Germany, South Africa, Pakistan, India, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. During 2003–2009, Oman received almost $1 billion worth of weapons and military equipment from overseas. In 2006, the Americans supplied the Omani Air Force with 12 F-16C/D Block50 fighters (eight single-seat and four twin). All fighters are equipped with the latest air navigation and target guidance equipment. The Americans also supplied the Omanis with two aircraft equipped with aerial reconnaissance equipment. At the same time, the Omani Air Force received air-to-air and air-to-ground missiles of modern models, as well as guided bombs of various modifications, including laser-guided ones.
The Sultanate of Oman became the first state on the Arabian Peninsula to purchase the Indian INSAS (Indian National Small Arms System) assault rifle, designed on the basis of the Kalashnikov assault rifle (AKM and AK-74). The only difference in the Indian version is the presence of a gas regulator, which allows you to launch rifle grenades.
It would be appropriate to say here that Oman and India have entered into an agreement to jointly combat maritime piracy. And although joint exercises between the navies of both countries are held regularly, major maneuvers are planned for 2011. Interestingly, Omani ships relatively recently participated in joint maneuvers with the Pakistani fleet. Thus, military cooperation between Muscat and Delhi does not in any way affect Muscat's ties with Islamabad.
ASO uses American anti-tank missile systems (ATGM) "TOU", portable ATGM "MILAN" and "CORNET-E" of French and Russian production, respectively. Oman's Defense Minister Said Badr praised the KORNET-E, calling it "the most powerful defensive-assault weapon of our time." Indeed, Russian ATGMs of this type destroy tanks even with dynamic protection and destroy the most fortified fortifications. Oman pays special attention to maintaining balance in the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman.
Corvettes, large and small patrol ships, missile and patrol boats, large and small landing ships are assigned to the three naval bases of the Sultanate. In 2004–2005, Oman acquired 16 Augusta-Westland carrier-based multi-role helicopters of Anglo-Italian production. Australia built and delivered a military catamaran to the Omanis. Muscat also plans to buy one or even two submarines for its navy.
RELY ON FRIENDS, BUT DON’T FAIL YOURSELF
From the point of view of NATO strategists, the territory of Oman (as, by the way, of Bahrain, where the 5th American Fleet is based) remains the most important springboard for allied forces for conducting military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Therefore, both the Americans and the British in this case moved away from their usual practice of supplying the armies of Arab countries with not the most modern weapons. The ADF is armed in line with the British and American armies. It is London and Washington that train personnel for the ADF. Recently, France has joined in training ADF officers. Joint Anglo-Omani military exercises are held regularly.
As part of the GCC, the Arabian monarchies created a grouping of joint armed forces called the Peninsula Shield (PS). It is very significant that the ShchP units, the basis of which was the Saudi infantry brigade, were located on the territory of the SA at the military base named after King Khaled in the Haf al-Batin area, not far from the border with Iraq. Formally, the SP is subordinate to the GCC Secretary General, but the actual armed units carry out the orders of the Saudi general, and only his deputies are appointed from the armies of other participating states.
The tasks assigned to the ShchP have always been limited. During the Gulf crisis of 1990–1991, the SP was unable to help GCC member Kuwait defend its sovereignty. Therefore, neither Oman nor other GCC states consider the SP to be a replacement for their own regular army. In ensuring its national security, Muscat relies on its own strength and receiving guaranteed assistance from the United States, Great Britain and other friendly countries. In this regard, one cannot help but pay attention to the refusal of all Arabian states from the permanent military presence on their territory of the military contingents of Egypt and Syria, although according to the so-called Damascus Declaration, signed after the liberation of Kuwait in March 1991, Egyptian and Syrian military personnel were stationed on the territories of all members GCC. However, only for a few months.
Already in the fall of 1991, the Arabian monarchs asked Cairo and Damascus to withdraw their military contingents. The request was presented with all the attributes of oriental courtesy and with assurances of eternal friendship appropriate for such an occasion, but, it is clear that foreign troops on the territories of sovereign states are a priori viewed as a threat to independence. Thus, the construction of a collective security system for Arab states or even just Arabian monarchies is highly doubtful.
OMAN WILL PURCHASE RUSSIAN ARMORED VEHICLES
In recent years, Muscat has announced its intention to diversify the market for the acquisition of weapons and military equipment. The Omanis intend to purchase infantry fighting vehicles and anti-submarine helicopters. According to information that has not yet been officially confirmed, proposals for the purchase of tanks in Russia and the Republic of Belarus are being worked out in Oman. Until recently, armored cars and armored personnel carriers were supplied to Muscat by France and China, and tanks were supplied mainly by Great Britain. The Americans supplied several M28CEV (Combat Engineer Vehicle) engineering tanks. German-made FAHD armored personnel carriers, assembled in Egypt and supplied to Oman since 1985, are considered obsolete. In May 2009, a number of British tank manufacturers began to curtail production due to a lack of defense orders from the government. Most Arab countries are already familiar with the high quality and relative cheapness of Russian armored vehicles. Recently, Russian-Omani relations have intensified in various areas. This is also evidenced by the recent visit to Muscat of the Russian missile cruiser Moskva.
Oman does not have its own weapons development and production. However, Sultan Qaboos Ben Said has set the task of creating a national defense industry. At the same time, special attention will be paid to organizing joint ventures with foreign companies. It is possible that the corresponding Russian gunsmiths, by offering their services, will be able to gain a foothold in the Omani market.
Jerusalem – Muscat
The leadership of the Sultanate of Oman, in the context of a complex and periodically escalating military-political situation in the Persian Gulf zone, pays constant attention to strengthening the country's defense and increasing the combat capability of the national armed forces.The Armed Forces of Oman (42.6 thousand people) consist of ground forces, air force, navy and the Sultan's guard. In addition to the army, there are tribal guard formations, coast guard police and a police air wing. The country's military budget is constantly increasing and in 2016 amounted to $9.103 billion (15.2% of annual GDP). The Omani Constitution (Article 14) states that “only the state can establish armed forces, public security organizations and other formations that are the property of the nation, whose task is to defend the state, protect the security of its territory and the peace of citizens. No organization or individual group may create military or paramilitary forces."
The Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces is the Sultan(aka the Minister of Defense), who determines the country's military policy. The head of state has a Military Defense Council. The Sultan directs the armed forces through the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff.
In military and administrative terms, the territory of Oman is divided into two territorial commands(districts): South (Dhofar) and North (rest of the country).
Oman's military doctrinal guidelines are based on the fact that the country will not wage aggressive wars. The potential enemy has not been officially identified. Due to limited human, economic and military resources, the defense of the territory of the Sultanate is supposed to be carried out with the help of allies from the GCC, the USA and Great Britain. The Omani leadership pays special attention to the defense of the Strait of Hormuz zone.
In the combat composition of the ground forces (25 thousand people) There are three brigades (armored - 1, infantry - 2), a special forces regiment, and other units and subunits. The main armament is represented by 117 main tanks (M60 and Challenger-2), 132 artillery pieces, including 24 self-propelled ones, 101 mortars, 692 infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers, 88 anti-tank systems, up to 100 MANPADS. An agreement was reached with the United States on the acquisition of 400 TOU-2V ATGMs, and in Germany - a large batch of small arms. In general, the ground forces of Oman are inferior in terms of technical equipment to the armies of other Arabian monarchies. They are armed with little self-propelled artillery, air defense systems, or reconnaissance equipment. At the same time, the Omani army has good combat training.
The Air Force (5 thousand people) is intended to cover the most important administrative, economic and military facilities, providing air support to ground forces and naval forces, conducting aerial reconnaissance, transporting troops, military equipment and other cargo. The Air Force is also tasked with monitoring air pollution levels and collecting data on fisheries resources in coastal waters. It is armed with 24 F-16C/D Block 50 tactical fighters, as well as 36 trainers, 37 transport and support aircraft, 47 multi-role and transport helicopters.
With the British company BAE Systems in 2012. a contract for 2.5 billion euros was signed for the purchase of 12 Eurofighter Typhoon multi-role fighters and eight Hawk Mk 128 combat training aircraft. The aircraft are planned to be delivered starting in 2020. The United States plans to purchase another 12 F-16C/D Block 50/52 aircraft, air-to-ground missiles, guided bombs, electronic and reconnaissance equipment, as well as modernize the F-16 fighters available in the Air Force.
In terms of its technical equipment and combat capabilities, the Omani Air Force is noticeably behind the military aviation of Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
The Air Force includes air defense units armed with 20 short-range missile launchers. In 2014 A contract worth $1.3 billion was signed with the United States for the purchase of NASAMS air defense systems (12 launchers with AIM-120 anti-aircraft guided missiles and 8 radars).
Navy (4.2 thousand people) are designed to perform tasks to protect territorial waters, ports, control entry into the Persian Gulf, provide maritime border control, protect fisheries and the 200-mile economic zone, prevent illegal migration and drug smuggling, and provide assistance to those in distress at sea. The naval personnel (including the Coast Guard) is represented by eight warships, including five corvettes, and more than 70 combat boats, including four missile boats, as well as six auxiliary vessels. There are 16 Super Links PLO helicopters.
The Sultan's Guard (6.4 thousand people) includes It includes a guard brigade, two special forces regiments, a naval detachment and an aviation wing. They are armed with MANPADS and ATGMs.
Increasing the combat effectiveness and combat power of the Armed Forces is carried out by equipping them with modern weapons and military equipment, improving the quality of training of all categories of personnel. The troops have organized regular and high-quality combat training. Its program provides for annual final exercises with the participation of all types of armed forces. At the same time, the leadership of Oman has never set and does not set itself the task of creating such armed forces that could conduct large-scale military operations. The main emphasis in military development is currently being placed on creating a defense system based on mobile forces equipped with armored vehicles, air defense systems, as well as an air force and navy that are balanced in their combat composition. Much attention is paid to improving the military communications system, command and control and intelligence. At the same time, the repair base remains weak. The Omani army remains highly dependent on foreign military specialists, especially in the operation and maintenance of weapons and military equipment. In general, in matters of military development, Oman is guided by Great Britain and the United States.
Military industry country currently does not have it, but Sultan Qaboos has set the task of creating in Oman its own military-industrial base, the basis of which should be joint ventures with foreign companies.
In the last decade, Oman has noticeably intensified military-technical ties with foreign countries, despite the financial difficulties the country is experiencing, and purchases of weapons for the national armed forces have increased. The leading partners of the Sultanate of Oman in the field of military-technical cooperation continue to be the countries of Western Europe and the United States. Military and military-technical ties are also maintained with India, Pakistan, South Africa, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. Between 2012 and 2015, Oman purchased $3.5 billion worth of military products abroad, including $2.1 billion from Western European countries and $800 million from the United States. During the same period, new military contracts worth $7.2 billion were signed (with Western European countries - for $4.4 billion, with the United States for $2.1 billion).
Oman joined the international anti-terrorism coalition led by the United States, created in 2014 to combat the terrorist organization “Islamic State” (IS, banned in the Russian Federation), and provides it with political support. At the same time, the Omani armed forces are not participating in combat operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. Oman is actively involved in military cooperation within the GCC, but has not joined the Arab coalition led by Saudi Arabia, created in 2015 for the war in Yemen against Shiite Houthi rebels and supporters of the country's former president A. A. Saleh. In December 2016, the Omani leadership “expressed a desire” to join the Muslim anti-terrorist coalition, the creation of which was announced by Saudi Arabia. Joint exercises are being conducted with the armed forces of India, Jordan and Pakistan. Oman is the only country in the GCC that maintains military ties with Iran, in particular, holding joint naval exercises with this country.
The Omani army does not officially participate in the political life of the country, but is one of the main guarantors of the security of the monarchical regime.
In general, the armed forces of Oman, in terms of their numbers, combat effectiveness and technical equipment, are able to conduct combat operations on only a limited scale and are not able to independently solve the problems of protecting the country from a large-scale external attack. Therefore, the leadership of the Sultanate, in ensuring the external security of the state, will continue to strengthen military-political ties with leading Western countries and allied relations with the GCC member states.